When Iran’s new parliament sits for the first time on Tuesday, it will have an overwhelmingly conservative flavour, FT reported.
Between the hardliners who support President Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad and the moderate conservatives who advocate more market-oriented economic policies, fundamentalists will make up almost three-quarters of the new legislature.
Reformists, after suffering mass disqualifications of their candidates ahead of the March elections, will comprise only 15 per cent.
But far from being depressed about their lack of representation, many reformists are upbeat about the influence they will wield in the new parliament and in the presidential elections due to be held in a year’s time.
“Although the reformists are in a minority, they still have a decent presence in the next parliament,” said Mohammad Atrianfar, a former reformist city councillor in Tehran.
“And there are a lot of moderate fundamentalists who have the same ideas as reformists about Mr Ahmadi-Nejad, so there will be more criticism of the government because both reformists and fundamentalists will be attacking its economic and foreign policy,” he said.
The moderate conservatives are led by Ali Larijani, the former nuclear negotiator and now MP for the religious city of Qom. He is a strong candidate to take the influential role of parliamentary speaker. This became more likely on Monday when Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, who held the post in the last parliament, announced he would not seek re-election.
Both men are presidential hopefuls, and both are likely to step up their attacks on Mr Ahmadi-Nejad’s government in the coming year as they try to prove their credentials, analysts say.
Reformists are also likely to find allies among the independents in the new parliament, says Mohammad-Ali Abtahi, a reformist cleric who was a deputy to the previous president, Mohammad Khatami.
“Most independents are reformists but they ran as independents because they did not want to be disqualified,” Mr Abtahi said.
“So independents, plus reformists, plus some conservatives who might vote with us, equals greater unity. This coming parliament will have much more power to correct the government’s behaviour.”
A crucial question will be whether the reformists can harness this influence, and overcome internal squabbles, to put up a strong fight in next year’s presidential elections.
“The reformist movement definitely needs some reform,” said Ahmad Zeid-Abadi, a columnist in the influential reformist magazine Shahrvand. “The reformists are not co-ordinated enough, they don’t have any clear specific plan. They are fragmented, full of differences, each shooting in their own direction.”
Reformists are aware they need a good strategy for the year ahead.
“We need to convince people that reforms and the reformist parties in Iran will have a greater influence and will be able to deal with their problems, especially their economic problems,” says Javad Etaat, a political scientist at Shahid Behesti University who ran unsuccessfully as a candidate for the reformist Etemad-e Melli party.
But the biggest question mark hangs over the ability of the reformists to rally around one presidential candidate.
Mr Khatami retains a great deal of public support, but other potential contenders include Mehdi Karroubi, founder of Etemad-e Melli, and Mohammad-Reza Aref, who was a vice-president under Mr Khatami.
Mr Khatami was at the centre of controversy this month after he said that the founders of the revolution never meant Iran to “take up arms” to spread its ideals. Conservatives accused him of making unpatriotic comments.
Some analysts say that the storm showed how serious the conservative authorities were about blocking reformists’ return to power and in particular Mr Khatami.
Conservatives are already evaluating the potential competition. “To be a winner, you need an enemy to unite your camp around you – but the reformist candidate should not be so strong as to actually win,” said Amir Mohebbian, an influential conservative columnist, adding that he did not see Mr Khatami as much of a threat.
“Mr Khatami is a very beautiful crystal glass – he won’t be able to withstand the stones that will be thrown against him,” adds Mr Mohebbian.
“But Mr Karroubi is dangerous – he is very populist. His slogans sound just like Mr Ahmadi-Nejad’s.”
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
Thursday, May 22, 2008
Khatami likely to face court
A judicial probe into the performance of Iran's former President Mohammad Khatami during the July 1999 unrest might find him guilty.
Press TV: Following the 1999 unrest at a student dormitory of Tehran University that was sparked by a police raid and led to fierce clashes between students and police forces, the then President, Mohammad Khatami tasked a committee to investigate the incident.
The committee blamed the then Tehran Police Chief, Farhad Nazari for the incident and he was dismissed and punished as a result.
But a court acquitted Nazari from the charges pressed by a group of students against him. The police chief subsequently lodged a complaint with the Article 90 Commission of Majlis against Khatami.
According to Article 90 of the constitution the Commission is responsible to deal with citizens' complaints against state bodies. Nazari's complaint was reviewed by the Commission and the result of the investigation was read out in Majlis on Wednesday May 21.
The Article 90 Commission's report did not find Farhad Nazari at fault in 1999 students' unrest. The report also said that the Supreme National Security Council had cast doubt on the accuracy of the report prepared by Khatami's committee.
According to the report, Majid Ansari, the then Vice President for Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, had sent a letter to Khatami in which he had termed the dismissal of Nazari as unfair.
The Article 90 Commission of Majlis on Wednesday called on President Ahmadinejad to issue a decree for vindication of Nazari, asking the police to take steps to compensate him for 'the unfair treatment'.
The Commission has also decided to send the former police chief's complaint to the Judiciary.
Since the probe committee was set up with direct orders from Khatami, he might be held responsible for the wrongdoing and stand trail.
Tuesday, May 13, 2008
They Fear Khatami
Omid Memarian, Roozonline.com reports: In an interview with Rooz, sixth Majlis representative Ali Mazroui discussed recent attacks by conservatives directed at former president Khatami for his latest remarks, including “By 'exporting the revolution,' Ayatollah Khamenei did not mean that that we take up arms and blow up places in other nations.” According to Mazroui, the conservatives have intensified their attacks on Khatami because they fear that he would run in the next presidential election, particularly with the wake-up call that conservatives received in the Majlis elections. Below is an excerpt of this interview.
Rooz (R): What is the reason behind the conservative camp’s attacks against Mr. Kahtami, after he spoke about the correct meaning of exporting the revolution and the need to refrain from interfering in affairs of other nations?
Ali Mazroui (AM): In my opinion, this is not a new development. The conservatives are terrified by the prospect of the upcoming presidential election, because they fear that Mr. Khatami may be a possible candidate. Therefore, they are waiting for Mr. Khatami to say something so that they can attack him. This results from a very difficult situation that the conservatives are currently faced with. Mr. Khatami's popularity is increasing with each passing day, particularly in light of the Majlis and administration's weak performance. Currently, because a majority of people in society view Mr. Khatami as a savior and expect him to rescue them out of the present situation, they are taking such positions and are willing to attack Khatami’s character as much as possible.
R: Is Mr. Khatami’s characterization of the correct meaning of “exporting the revolution” an attack on those who promote interfering in affairs of other countries as a means of exporting the revolution?
AM: Mr. Khatami’s political ideology is clear and built on reducing tensions with other nations. Furthermore, Mr. Khatami has brought up the point that exporting the revolution does not mean interfering in affairs of other nations. Rather, it means being a successful role model that other nations, particularly Muslim nations, would willingly want to follow.
R: In your opinion, how much of Mr. Khatami’s speech is constituted by criticism of the Ahmadinejad Administration’s foreign policy?
AM: Obviously, Mr. Khatami does not support what is presented by the Ahmadinejad Administration as an offensive foreign policy. That much is clear. This policy has brought nothing to our country other than sanctions and pressure. Therefore, it is clear that Mr. Khatami does not agree with this policy. Although in his latest remarks Khatami did not explicitly mention this policy, one can discern from the general framework of Mr. Khatami and reformists’ thoughts that they do not agree with such confrontational policies.
R: Is it possible for attacks against Mr. Khatami to become more intense in the coming months?
AM: Undoubtedly. The conservatives are quite worried by the prospect of Mr. Khatami’s return to the political scene. In fact, they are terrified by it. It is natural that they would employ all their ability and resources to destroy Mr. Khatami’s character and undermine his popularity through negative campaigning. However, given the pre- and post- 2 Khordad [day of reformist victory in 1997 presidential election] experience, such negative tactics would not only not diminish Mr. Khatami’s popularity, but actually increase it.
Rooz (R): What is the reason behind the conservative camp’s attacks against Mr. Kahtami, after he spoke about the correct meaning of exporting the revolution and the need to refrain from interfering in affairs of other nations?
Ali Mazroui (AM): In my opinion, this is not a new development. The conservatives are terrified by the prospect of the upcoming presidential election, because they fear that Mr. Khatami may be a possible candidate. Therefore, they are waiting for Mr. Khatami to say something so that they can attack him. This results from a very difficult situation that the conservatives are currently faced with. Mr. Khatami's popularity is increasing with each passing day, particularly in light of the Majlis and administration's weak performance. Currently, because a majority of people in society view Mr. Khatami as a savior and expect him to rescue them out of the present situation, they are taking such positions and are willing to attack Khatami’s character as much as possible.
R: Is Mr. Khatami’s characterization of the correct meaning of “exporting the revolution” an attack on those who promote interfering in affairs of other countries as a means of exporting the revolution?
AM: Mr. Khatami’s political ideology is clear and built on reducing tensions with other nations. Furthermore, Mr. Khatami has brought up the point that exporting the revolution does not mean interfering in affairs of other nations. Rather, it means being a successful role model that other nations, particularly Muslim nations, would willingly want to follow.
R: In your opinion, how much of Mr. Khatami’s speech is constituted by criticism of the Ahmadinejad Administration’s foreign policy?
AM: Obviously, Mr. Khatami does not support what is presented by the Ahmadinejad Administration as an offensive foreign policy. That much is clear. This policy has brought nothing to our country other than sanctions and pressure. Therefore, it is clear that Mr. Khatami does not agree with this policy. Although in his latest remarks Khatami did not explicitly mention this policy, one can discern from the general framework of Mr. Khatami and reformists’ thoughts that they do not agree with such confrontational policies.
R: Is it possible for attacks against Mr. Khatami to become more intense in the coming months?
AM: Undoubtedly. The conservatives are quite worried by the prospect of Mr. Khatami’s return to the political scene. In fact, they are terrified by it. It is natural that they would employ all their ability and resources to destroy Mr. Khatami’s character and undermine his popularity through negative campaigning. However, given the pre- and post- 2 Khordad [day of reformist victory in 1997 presidential election] experience, such negative tactics would not only not diminish Mr. Khatami’s popularity, but actually increase it.
Thursday, May 08, 2008
Khatami speech sparks debate in Iran
By Anna Fifield and Najmeh Bozorgmehr in Tehran
FT Reports: Iranian politicians have become embroiled in a dispute over the foundations of the Islamic republic, centring on what Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the republic’s founder, meant 30 years ago when he talked of “exporting the revolution”.
The debate was sparked when Mohammad Khatami, a former president, said Iran was never meant to “take up arms” to spread its ideals.
His suggestion comes amid allegations that Tehran is supporting Shia militias in Iraq and is encouraging Hizbollah in Lebanon, as part of a strategy to destabilise the Middle East.
“What did Imam Khomeini mean by exporting the revolution?” the reformist Mr Khatami, who retains significant support in Iran, especially among young people, asked in a speech to students on Friday.
“Did he mean that we take up arms, that we blow up places in other nations and we create groups to carry out sabotage in other countries? The imam was vehemently against this and was confronting it.”
His comments sparked a furious reaction among conservatives, who accused Mr Khatami of making unpatriotic comments.
“The only consequence has been to tarnish the shining reputation of the Islamic republic system and confirm the baseless accusations of the arrogant powers,” the conservative Kayhan newspaper said, using a common epithet for the US.
The Etemad-e Melli newspaper on Wednesday reported that a group of 77 conservative lawmakers planned to complain to the intelligence ministry about the comments, saying Mr Khatami had insulted Mr Khomeini.
But Mohammad-Hassan Abutorabi-Fard, deputy parliamentary speaker, later told reporters the MPs had withdrawn their complaint.
Mr Khatami on Wednesday said his opponents had used his remarks for “character assassination” and rejected suggestions he was re-interpreting Mr Khomeini’s ideas.
“The Islamic republic does not need to have physical interference in international scenes and has never had such a policy,” Mr Khatami said on Wednesday, according to a statement. “The enemy [the US] wants to cover up its own problems, or to seek a pretext to put us under pressure by claiming that Iran interferes. Where does Iran interfere? Is it us who occupied Iraq?”
The debate comes at a sensitive time as the new parliament prepares to take office and the political jockeying ahead of next year’s presidential election begins.
Many Iranians fondly remember the tenure of Mr Khatami, who was president between 1997 and 2005, as a time of greater freedom. Mr Khatami has not ruled out running again.
FT Reports: Iranian politicians have become embroiled in a dispute over the foundations of the Islamic republic, centring on what Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the republic’s founder, meant 30 years ago when he talked of “exporting the revolution”.
The debate was sparked when Mohammad Khatami, a former president, said Iran was never meant to “take up arms” to spread its ideals.
His suggestion comes amid allegations that Tehran is supporting Shia militias in Iraq and is encouraging Hizbollah in Lebanon, as part of a strategy to destabilise the Middle East.
“What did Imam Khomeini mean by exporting the revolution?” the reformist Mr Khatami, who retains significant support in Iran, especially among young people, asked in a speech to students on Friday.
“Did he mean that we take up arms, that we blow up places in other nations and we create groups to carry out sabotage in other countries? The imam was vehemently against this and was confronting it.”
His comments sparked a furious reaction among conservatives, who accused Mr Khatami of making unpatriotic comments.
“The only consequence has been to tarnish the shining reputation of the Islamic republic system and confirm the baseless accusations of the arrogant powers,” the conservative Kayhan newspaper said, using a common epithet for the US.
The Etemad-e Melli newspaper on Wednesday reported that a group of 77 conservative lawmakers planned to complain to the intelligence ministry about the comments, saying Mr Khatami had insulted Mr Khomeini.
But Mohammad-Hassan Abutorabi-Fard, deputy parliamentary speaker, later told reporters the MPs had withdrawn their complaint.
Mr Khatami on Wednesday said his opponents had used his remarks for “character assassination” and rejected suggestions he was re-interpreting Mr Khomeini’s ideas.
“The Islamic republic does not need to have physical interference in international scenes and has never had such a policy,” Mr Khatami said on Wednesday, according to a statement. “The enemy [the US] wants to cover up its own problems, or to seek a pretext to put us under pressure by claiming that Iran interferes. Where does Iran interfere? Is it us who occupied Iraq?”
The debate comes at a sensitive time as the new parliament prepares to take office and the political jockeying ahead of next year’s presidential election begins.
Many Iranians fondly remember the tenure of Mr Khatami, who was president between 1997 and 2005, as a time of greater freedom. Mr Khatami has not ruled out running again.
Wednesday, May 07, 2008
Iran hardliners criticize Khatami's "insulting" speech
Reuters reports: Iranian hardliners have criticized moderate former President Mohammad Khatami for a speech they deemed insulting to Iran's late revolutionary leader, newspapers reported on Wednesday.
Etemad-e Melli newspaper said 77 lawmakers would ask Intelligence Minister Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei "to confront" Khatami over the remarks they say insulted the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
A hardline daily said Khatami was being unpatriotic.
The row reflects a political divide between those in Iran, like President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, seeking a return to hardline policies of the early revolutionary days, and pro-reform figures, like Khatami, who seek political and social change.
In a speech on Friday, Khatami questioned the meaning of "exporting the revolution," a phrase coined when Khomeini led the country as supreme leader. Khomeini, who died in 1989, remains a figure much revered by all political factions.
Nearby Arab states in the Gulf and others took fright at the phrase at the time, seeing it as a bid by Iran to stir up revolt in their countries. Khatami's presidency was characterized by attempts to improve Iran's relations with Arabs and the West.
"What did Imam Khomeini mean by exporting the revolution?" Khatami asked in his speech, newspapers reported.
"Did Imam Khomeini mean that we take up arms, that we blow up places in other nations and we create groups to carry out sabotage in other countries? He was vehemently against such measures and was confronting it," Khatami said.
Those remarks were taken by hardliners to suggest Khatami was giving credence to charges often leveled by the United States and other Western countries that Iran is fuelling unrest in Iraq and elsewhere. Tehran denies such accusations.
Khatami denied this in a statement e-mailed to Reuters, saying: "I believe the Islamic Republic does not need physical interference in other countries' state matters and it has never been part of our policy and will not be in the future."
He said that accusations by Iran's "enemies" -- a reference to the United States -- that it was interfering in other states were an attempt to "divert attention from their mistakes."
Newspapers had said the 77 lawmakers planned to make a formal complaint to the Intelligence Ministry but a reformist official said they may not go ahead with an official letter.
"Obviously Khatami should be held responsible for his unpatriotic comments," Kayhan newspaper, a flag-bearer for hardliners, said in a commentary.
"Its consequence has been to tarnish the shining reputation of the system and confirm the baseless accusations of the arrogant powers," it said, employing a term Iranian officials use to refer to the United States and its allies.
Etemad-e Melli newspaper said 77 lawmakers would ask Intelligence Minister Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei "to confront" Khatami over the remarks they say insulted the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
A hardline daily said Khatami was being unpatriotic.
The row reflects a political divide between those in Iran, like President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, seeking a return to hardline policies of the early revolutionary days, and pro-reform figures, like Khatami, who seek political and social change.
In a speech on Friday, Khatami questioned the meaning of "exporting the revolution," a phrase coined when Khomeini led the country as supreme leader. Khomeini, who died in 1989, remains a figure much revered by all political factions.
Nearby Arab states in the Gulf and others took fright at the phrase at the time, seeing it as a bid by Iran to stir up revolt in their countries. Khatami's presidency was characterized by attempts to improve Iran's relations with Arabs and the West.
"What did Imam Khomeini mean by exporting the revolution?" Khatami asked in his speech, newspapers reported.
"Did Imam Khomeini mean that we take up arms, that we blow up places in other nations and we create groups to carry out sabotage in other countries? He was vehemently against such measures and was confronting it," Khatami said.
Those remarks were taken by hardliners to suggest Khatami was giving credence to charges often leveled by the United States and other Western countries that Iran is fuelling unrest in Iraq and elsewhere. Tehran denies such accusations.
Khatami denied this in a statement e-mailed to Reuters, saying: "I believe the Islamic Republic does not need physical interference in other countries' state matters and it has never been part of our policy and will not be in the future."
He said that accusations by Iran's "enemies" -- a reference to the United States -- that it was interfering in other states were an attempt to "divert attention from their mistakes."
Newspapers had said the 77 lawmakers planned to make a formal complaint to the Intelligence Ministry but a reformist official said they may not go ahead with an official letter.
"Obviously Khatami should be held responsible for his unpatriotic comments," Kayhan newspaper, a flag-bearer for hardliners, said in a commentary.
"Its consequence has been to tarnish the shining reputation of the system and confirm the baseless accusations of the arrogant powers," it said, employing a term Iranian officials use to refer to the United States and its allies.
Friday, May 02, 2008
Khatami must fight for people’s rights
Mohammad Bastehnegar Speaks to Roozonline:
Mohammad Bastenegar is a prominent nationalist-religious [melli-mazhabi] personality with a long history of pre- and post-revolutionary activism. In an exclusive interview we discussed the future of the reform movement and the eight Majlis elections with him. Here are the excerpts.
Rooz (R): Why did people not heed Mr. Khatami’s advice to participate in the elections?
Mohammad Bastenegar (MB): This issue is related, on the one hand, to the actions of the Guardian Council, and on the other, to the taking away of the people’s right to choose their own representatives. According to Article 99 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, the Guardian Council is only in charge of supervising the elections, not hand-picking and selecting candidates. It is the people who have the right to approve or disapprove of candidates. The Guardian Council’s actions have turned elections into a two-round affair and have deprived people of the right to directly elect their representatives. In such elections people are deprived of the right to choose and lose their motivation to participate.
R: In these conditions, isn’t Mr. Khatami forced to stay home and doesn’t he feel “useless?”
MB: First of all, despite all that has happened, Mr. Khatami should not retreat and feel useless. It is not right to say that Khatami should now stay home and stop fighting for people’s rights. Retirement has no meaning for people who enter social or political life. Khatami must fight for people’s rights and improve the conditions. Secondly, during his presidency, Khatami raised the issue of “civil society” and tried to institute the culture of non-governmental and civil society organizations. He should now continue his activism with all force. He should also defend freedom of parties, freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of elections, and many other rights stated in the constitution. During his presidency, Khatami raised slogans that he must now fight with all his might to institute.
R: Aren’t you suggesting that Mr. Khatami’s responsibility is heavier now than when he was in power?
MB: Yes, in my opinion, Mr. Khatami’s responsibility is heavier now than before, and despite all the current problems, he must work harder than before. This is not specific to Mr. Khatami. All reformist factions must do the same. They must sacrifice their parties’ interests for the nation’s interests because their own success is dependent on defending the right of the Iranian nation and taking into account national interest and the country’s well-being.
R: What criticism do you have of the reformists’ performance in the latest round of elections?
MB: The problem with reformists is that when they run into problems or when they are not doing well in the elections, they start bickering with one another and engage in infighting rather than delving into the roots of these issues. Such behavior only adds to their problems and makes things more difficult for them.
Mohammad Bastenegar is a prominent nationalist-religious [melli-mazhabi] personality with a long history of pre- and post-revolutionary activism. In an exclusive interview we discussed the future of the reform movement and the eight Majlis elections with him. Here are the excerpts.
Rooz (R): Why did people not heed Mr. Khatami’s advice to participate in the elections?
Mohammad Bastenegar (MB): This issue is related, on the one hand, to the actions of the Guardian Council, and on the other, to the taking away of the people’s right to choose their own representatives. According to Article 99 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, the Guardian Council is only in charge of supervising the elections, not hand-picking and selecting candidates. It is the people who have the right to approve or disapprove of candidates. The Guardian Council’s actions have turned elections into a two-round affair and have deprived people of the right to directly elect their representatives. In such elections people are deprived of the right to choose and lose their motivation to participate.
R: In these conditions, isn’t Mr. Khatami forced to stay home and doesn’t he feel “useless?”
MB: First of all, despite all that has happened, Mr. Khatami should not retreat and feel useless. It is not right to say that Khatami should now stay home and stop fighting for people’s rights. Retirement has no meaning for people who enter social or political life. Khatami must fight for people’s rights and improve the conditions. Secondly, during his presidency, Khatami raised the issue of “civil society” and tried to institute the culture of non-governmental and civil society organizations. He should now continue his activism with all force. He should also defend freedom of parties, freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of elections, and many other rights stated in the constitution. During his presidency, Khatami raised slogans that he must now fight with all his might to institute.
R: Aren’t you suggesting that Mr. Khatami’s responsibility is heavier now than when he was in power?
MB: Yes, in my opinion, Mr. Khatami’s responsibility is heavier now than before, and despite all the current problems, he must work harder than before. This is not specific to Mr. Khatami. All reformist factions must do the same. They must sacrifice their parties’ interests for the nation’s interests because their own success is dependent on defending the right of the Iranian nation and taking into account national interest and the country’s well-being.
R: What criticism do you have of the reformists’ performance in the latest round of elections?
MB: The problem with reformists is that when they run into problems or when they are not doing well in the elections, they start bickering with one another and engage in infighting rather than delving into the roots of these issues. Such behavior only adds to their problems and makes things more difficult for them.
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