Mohammad Ali Abtahi in Interview with Rooz: Khatami Will Not Abandon Politics!

Rooz online reports: We have spoken with former vice president Mohammad Ali Abtahi about the upcoming tenth ‎presidential election. In his view, former president Mohammad Khatami will announce his ‎decision within the next fes days, though he will not "abandon the political scene" because of his ‎dedication to solve the country's problems. The text of the interview is below.‎

Rooz (R): Mr. Abtahi, the reformist camp has been in disarray for some time. Aren't the ‎reformists losing time ahead of the election? ‎

Mohammad Ali Abtahi (MAA): My own impression also is that not much time is left to ‎announce one's candidacy. I believe he [Mohammad Khatami] will announce his candidacy ‎within the next few days.‎

R: Hasn't the inclusion of Mir Hossein Mousavi's name in the mix made the situation even more ‎confusing? Is Mr. Mousavi seriously contemplating running for presidency? ‎

MAA: Mr. Mousavi is fully serious, and if he decides to run for presidency, Mr. Khatami would ‎like him to be very serious; because this time Mr. Mousavi himself has stepped forward.‎

R: This wasn't the first time that Mr. Mousavi was invited to run for presidency?‎

MAA: Mr. Mousavi were encouraged to run by reformists in the previous elections as well, in ‎both the 1997 and 2005 presidential elections. But he never agreed.‎

R: Why did he agree this time?‎

MAA: He is concerned about the country's present situation and has conveyed his concern to ‎Mr. Khatami. His concern meant that, if necessary, he will run for presidency or become ‎political active. This was a step forward that was welcomed by all, including Mr. Khatami.‎

R: Are Mr. Mousavi's ideas compatible for reformist ideas? Is he able to unite the reformist ‎camp?‎

MAA: It is possible that the general consensus that exists in the reformist camp on Mr. Khatami ‎does not exist on Mr. Mousavi, or it is natural that the possibility of Mr. Khatami gathering more ‎votes is better than Mr. Mousavi and other candidates. In addition, society's familiarity with Mr. ‎Khatami and his unique position in being able to communicate with the body of society is a huge ‎advantage for him in comparison with other candidates. However, all these arguments require ‎that he announces very soon whether or not he will run for presidency. It must not be forgotten ‎that if Mr. Khatami decides not to run, it would become much harder to reach consensus over ‎Mr. Mousavi or Mr. Karoubi. ‎

R: You mentioned that time is running out for declaring one's candidacy. Is Mr. Khatami also ‎aware of this issue, that time is passing quickly for reformists?‎

MAA: My understanding is that Mr. Khatami is well aware of the importance of announcing his ‎decision as soon as possible.‎

R: Can't Mr. Karoubi's candidacy create some problems for reformists? ‎

MAA: No one can take the right to candidacy away from anyone. Anyone can become a ‎candidate and everyone's presence is respected. However, the number of votes expected and the ‎social base are important factors in the decision. Naturally, if people think they are not able to ‎generate enough votes, it is unlikely that they would run. ‎

R: What is your prediction of the upcoming election?‎

MAA: My prediction is that the election would be bi-polar, and if the dichotomy is between Mr. ‎Khatami and Mr. Ahmadinejad society would understand it more clearly and incentives for ‎participation would increase. With the understanding that I have of our society, if the elections ‎are healthy the reformists can win a very large and serious number of votes. Public opinion polls ‎conducted up to now confirm this view.‎

R: Are you and Mr. Khatami's team worried about rigging the results?‎

MAA: We cannot judge right now; we have to see what the election atmosphere is like, although ‎because of our past experience we have worries that cannot be neglected. Therefore, we have to ‎see what the number of participants will be, and whether Mr. Khatami's would win so many ‎more votes than his opponent to clinch victory even if there are violations.

Khatami Aide Says Ex-President May Run in Iran Poll

(Bloomberg) -- Former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami is likely to heed the people’s “invitation” and run against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the Persian Gulf country’s presidential election on June 12, a close associate said.

The comments by Mohammad Ali Abtahi, who served as a vice- president under Khatami between 2001 and 2004, were the strongest indication yet that Khatami will run and followed an announcement yesterday that Ahmadinejad will seek a second term.

The people’s “invitation for Mr. Khatami to stand in the presidential election has been taking shape organically,” Abtahi said in an interview today, adding that in his view Khatami would “respond to this invitation by running.”

Khatami, who lobbied for improved relations with the West during his two terms as president between 1997 and 2005, has criticized Ahmadinejad’s policies for failing to revive the economy. Ali Akbar Javanfekr, the president’s press affairs adviser, said late yesterday that Ahmadinejad will “naturally seek re-election” so he can complete the government’s programs.

Ahmadinejad, a former Tehran mayor, was elected in 2005 after pledging to broaden the distribution of the country’s oil wealth. He has engaged in disputes with Western countries over issues including Iran’s nuclear program, which the U.S. and several major allies say is aimed at developing an atomic bomb. The government in Tehran denies the charge, insisting that the work is peaceful and designed to generate electricity.

‘Managerial Change’

“The approach taken by the current government in regards to the nation’s economic resources and its foreign policy requires managerial change,” Abtahi said in the interview.

Khatami has sounded unsure as to whether he should run in past weeks. While saying that he preferred to stay away from the race, he has emphasized that his decision will be based on “the country and people’s interests.”

Earlier this month, Khatami said that either he or Mir Hossein Mousavi, who held the office of prime minister in the 1980s, would run against Ahmadinejad.

Khatami has also indicated that he wanted assurances that he’d have sufficient authority to implement his policies. Under the Iranian constitution, the ultimate power-wielder is the supreme leader, currently Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Dress Codes

Under Khatami’s presidency, social customs relaxed and cultural activities flourished. Women walking and talking with men from outside their families in public became common and while the principle of the Islamic dress code remained, women started wearing colorful scarves and shorter and tighter coats. The authorities have been stricter about clothing styles under Ahmadinejad’s government, while a dozen newspaper and magazines have been shut down in recent years, some for criticizing the government.

In 2006, during a visit to the U.S., Khatami told a crowd at Harvard University the relationship between Iran and the U.S. is among the most important in the world and both need to work toward understanding each other, and he condemned the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks against the U.S. The following year, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Khatami spoke of his “respect” for U.S. civilization.

Ahmadinejad yesterday said the change promised by Barack Obama during his presidential campaign means he must apologize for U.S. “crimes” against Iran, including American support for a 1953 coup and the backing of Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war.

‘Door of Respect’

“We welcome change if it’s fundamental and in the right direction,” Ahmadinejad said in a speech televised from the western province of Kermanshah. “Real change is change in the tone of talks with people, to enter from the door of respect, and not to pursue expansion and imperialism.”

This week Iranian armed forces Chief of Staff Hassan Firouzabadi was criticized by Mehdi Karrubi, a former parliamentary speaker, for backing the re-election of Ahmadinejad. Karrubi, a cleric who has announced he will stand in the race, warned against the military’s “meddling in political debates.”

No opinion polls have been released yet on the public’s preferences in the election.

Politicians seeking more democracy in Iran, who campaigned as part of Khatami’s Reformists’ Coalition in March’s parliamentary elections, won about 16 percent of the 290 assembly seats, official results showed.

Candidates adhering to a system under which Islamic clerics wield ultimate power over policy, including Ahmadinejad’s supporters, won 69 percent of seats.

What Transpired at the Meeting with the Leader?

Finally they met: Former president Mohammad Khatami and current leader Ali Khamenei. But as was foreseen, no news has been made available, from either side. The only words that did leak in the form of a drop-let was this: “The leader neither determines nor plans to determine who comes or should not come. He will work with anyone who has the vote of the people, and this is his view.” In other words, Mr. Khamenei is not for or against anyone in the upcoming presidential race. But is this really true?

Simultaneous with his directive regarding “refraining from premature election campaigning”, Mr. Khamenei was the first to expressly step into the campaign and, in a meeting with Mahmud Ahmadinejad and his cabinet during the “Week of the Government” said, “Work as if you have another five years to work; in other words imagine that this year and the next four years are under your management purview. Take this attitude, and, work, plan and take action from this perspective. Do not take the view that this is the last year of the administration. No.”
If this is not a statement in support of Ahmadinejad then what is it?

In another meeting, while expressing his support for the work of Ahmadinejad’s administration, Mr. Khamenei listed him as “being active, expanding the revolutionary and Imam’s [reference to ayatollah Khomeini] dialog and being in touch with the public”.
Is this too not support of Ahmadinejad?

What about these remarks. “Appearing at Science and Industry University in Tehran, the leader of the Islamic Republic fervently supported President Mahmud Ahmadinejad. In his remarks the leader called the President “revolutionary, committed, efficient, active and brave,” adding that he was ‘a good example of a well trained person from Science and Industry University.’”
And is this not supporting Ahmadinejad?

These are just a few examples of statements in support of someone, and many more exist.

Perhaps support has a different meaning that we do not know. So let us now look at the flip side, i.e. opposing some one. What does the following remark mean if not opposing Mr. Khatami? “Comparing the ninth administration and the two preceding terms of Seyed Mohammad Khatami, Ayatollah seyed Ali Khamenei said that Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s administration completely stopped the dangerous trend of Westernization and falling on traditional values which were permeating in the decision-making centers of the country.”

Or here is another one: “If weak and gutless authorities like Shah Soltan Hossein, are found among state officials, that is the end of the regime and the Islamic Republic, even if people are brave and prepared; because coward and weak leaders turn even brave nations into weak ones.”

Or look at this one. “Some did not believe in the Imam right from the beginning or developed problems with the revolution half way on its way. Which is why with their animosity with the Imam [a reference to ayatollah Khomeini], they have now embarked on destroying the ninth administration [of Mahmud Ahmadinejad].”

In addition to supporting words, there are plenty of actions too in this regard. But it appears that the conflict is simply over words and definitions, and not substance, i.e. political definitions. The issue is with the statement that when Mr. Khatami has made about “expressing his regret and disappointment that people say that the leader has determined who must be the next president.”

And there is more. “Mr. Khatami expressed some of his concerns and views to the leader of the revolution who issued his guidance while acknowledging some of the mentioned issues. The leader of the revolution also said that Mr. Khatami was a distinguished personality adding that his standing must not be damaged. He further said that he does not recommend any person to take part or not take part in the forthcoming elections. If Mr. Khatami does participate and wins, or if anyone else wins the race, he shall work with the new president through deliberation, as he has in the past.”

So the real question comes down to this: If Mr. Khatami and others truly believe that this statement is true, then he must provide an explanation as to why was it that during his two terms as president, the “deliberation” that is mentioned to be a practice had led to multiple crises which Mr. Khatami himself explained to erupt once every nine days.

On the other hand, if he does not believe this to be the case, i.e. the captain has a different tune, then why does he and his allies not talk of the key players in this game? When the public does not seem to even have the right to know what took place between him and the “absolute leader” [reference to Vali Motlaghe Faghih], how can they be expected to believe that the very few words that have been handed over to the public demonstrate that Mr. Khatami’s desires and conditions to stay in the race have been met?

In short, in the absence of real news, shattered reformists who have no choice but to remain silent, voters cannot be expected to be convinced that they can vote to others.

When former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi remains tight-lipped, Abdollah Nouri insists on his silence, ayatollah Khoeiniha makes only annual remarks, etc can one rely on the few messages from a phoenix?

I remember in the days of the ancient regime, after the Iran Novin and Mardom – both of which were viewed as government parties – parties were annulled, a new party the Rastakhiz (i.e. Resurrection) was proclaimed on orders of the Shah, which soon split into two wings: Construction, and, Progressive. The leaders of both wings of the party too were selected on the basis of gestures. Soon, the Iranian state television aired a round table debate participated by the leaders of the two wings to talk about their views. I was a Keyhan newspaper political reporter then and was invited to the discussion. I spent an hours researching at Keyhan’s archives before the session, going over the interviews and statements of each wing leader. But I saw no difference between their words or messages. Sentences appeared different in structures and word order but the messages and meaning were the same. And they couldn’t be. At the session, I raised this issue and asked what was really different between the two factions when even their sentences had to look similar. That was at a time when everybody knew that real differences did exist among state authorities. But because of lack of democracy, these differences could not be openly raised until they finally erupted in revolt from the streets and alleys.

So the question remains: Mr. Khatami, what did really take place in your meeting with the leader? To enter the presidential race, you had had set the condition that the public had to stay cooperative just as had the state officials. Did this take place? Will it take place? You said that about the meeting is in contradiction with realities as we know them. So what must be done about this inconsistency? What is your proposal? The leader will “deliberate” regardless of who comes to power, you or Mr. Ahmadinejad.

If the answer to this question is a no, then let them take the field and grab the presidency because by doing this they accept to play the role of a joker [in a pack of cards]. After all, if there is anything they can do better it may be playing that game.

By Nooshabeh Amiri

Khatami and Mousavi, Side by Side

Beginnings of a New Coalition

Last Friday a discussion gathering titled “Fourth Decade of Revolution, Necessity for Compromise and Reform” was held in the presence of former president Seyed Mohammad Khatami and Iran’s former Prime Minister during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, Mir Hossein Mousavi. Despite what was expected, Mir Hossein Mousavi did not break his twenty-year silence at the gathering; neither did Khatami make any remarks.

Even when he was surrounded by dozens of reporters who saw the importance of the gathering in the simultaneous presence of Khatami and Mousavi alongside one another and asked questions about the election, Mir Hossein Mousavi only smiled and silently walked toward his vehicle.

One Khatami supporter who wishes not to be named told Rooz, “In 1997, when Mr. Khatami became a presidential candidate, Mousavi supported him on the condition that his concerns were taken into account which Mr. Khatami accepted. As such, Mr. Mousavi’s friends devised a document outlining Mr. Mousavi’s priorities and concerns for Mr. Khatami.”

He continued, “However, because of problems Mr. Khatami did not allow these concerns to be addressed. On the other hand, Mr. Khatami himself had different opinions about political and economic issues. Therefore, now that Mr. Khatami plans to run again, he must have a plan for running the country and Mr. Mousavi’s supporters have decided to devise a realistic plan after holding discussions with various political groups, university professors and other social groups and hand it over to Mr. Khatami.”

He also denied that Mr. Mousavi would accept any post in Khatami administration, adding, “Mr. Mousavi has no interest in accepting an executive position. But he may be utilized in an advisory capacity.”

Mousavi supporters plan to present their views on running the country to Khatami while it was Khatami was the host of this gathering. Present also at this gathering was ayatollah Khomeini’s grandson, Seyed Hassan Mousavi and spoke as a special speaker. This forum was attended by prominent figures from both reformist and conservative camps of Iran.

But there were also other important news that emerged from this gathering. For example Khatami’s declared, “I have previously stated that either I or Mir Hossein Mousavi will run in the election, though I have not narrowed the path for any other candidates.”

Also, commenting on last Wednesday’s meeting with ayatollah Khamenei, Khatami said, “He is not interested in determining who should or should not become a candidate.” Khatami also hoped, “In the elections people must see what the candidates’ plans are, how they would make decisions and implement them. God willing, the election will be free and whoever is voted in office can begin work.”

Responding to a question which said that the Supreme Leader had supported the ninth administration thus in a way determining who would be the next president, Khatami said, “I am saddened that it is said in society that the Supreme Leader has decided on who must be the next president. The Supreme Leader does not decide and he is not interested in determining who should or should not become a candidate. I had a meeting with him and I had also met him earlier. He will work with whoever comes and receives the people’s vote.”

Iran's hopes from Obama: Respect, end of isolation - Feature

Earthtimes.org: Nobody in Tehran would admit it, but the international isolation since the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in August 2005, has caused Iran enormous problems both politically and economically. Due to the isolation, Islamic Iran became friendly with socialist governments in Latin America like Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia, and enjoyed celebrating anti-US ceremonies with them.

But for a country that, according to Ahmadinejad, wants to be acknowledged worldwide as a regional power and to contribute in important decision-making, isolation is detrimental.

It will be essential to improve contact with the West, and preferably even with the "Great Satan" - a term used in Iran for the United States.

This was probably also the reason why Ahmadinejad broke a taboo and congratulated Barack Obama on his election victory in November's US presidential elections.

This was indeed a novelty in the 30-year history of the Islamic republic, and Ahmadinejad could not have issued such a statement without the blessing of the clergy's ruling circle.

During the campaign, Obama came under fire from his domestic opponents for suggesting that he would be willing to meet with Iranian leaders without preconditions, but the centre-left candidate held fast to the position.

Obama's presidency would be the first step for Iran to escape isolation and achieve the international acknowledgement the country so desperately seeks.

Accordingly, Ahmadinejad has changed his usual harsh rhetoric and taken a much softer, reconciliatory tone.

"If the (Obama) slogan of change was real and if his approach toward Iran based on respect and friendship, then we would witness a new positive development and a new situation (in bilateral ties), which we would welcome," he said.

"We have time and enough patience and will wait and see."

Iran and the US have had no diplomatic ties for almost three decades, and while Washington accuses Iran of sponsoring terrorism and pursuing a secret nuclear programme, Tehran brands the US as "Great Satan" and enemy to Islam and Muslims worldwide.

Several efforts were made to improve ties, especially during the presidencies of Mohammad Khatami in Tehran and Bill Clinton in Washington, but found no momentum. The crisis reached its peak after President George W Bush put Iran into the "axis of evil," for its potential to combine terrorism and weapons of mass destruction.

With the Ahmadinejad presidency, the dispute over the Iranian nuclear programme and the anti-Israeli tirades by the president added more fuel to the fire and eventually antagonized Tehran's European partners, too.

"During the Khatami era, Tehran had at least the European Union as political partners, but after Ahmadinejad even the EU gradually distanced itself from Iran," a political expert in Tehran said.

Contacts between the EU and Iran in the last three years have been limited to Javier Solana, the EU foreign policy and security chief, with the agenda limited to the nuclear dispute and Western demands for Iran to stop its uranium-enrichment programme.

Due to Tehran's constant refusal to suspend enrichment, not only the contact to Solana dwindled to a minimum, but Iran's ties with Russia and China as well as the Arab states were overshadowed, too.

Resumption of bilateral talks with the Obama administration on the nuclear dispute or crisis spots in the region could bring Iran back into the limelight and blaze a trail toward improvement of ties with the EU, observers predict.

Ahmadinejad has several times indicated that Iran would be ready to help the United States in Iraq and Afghanistan if Washington dropped its hostile policies toward Iran.

Mohamed ElBaradei, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, believes that in the nuclear dispute, direct participation of the US as well as the EU in talks with Iran might lead to a breakthrough or at least a compromise to ease tensions.

"The two might agree in bilateral issues and even help each other in Iraq and Afghanistan, but as soon as the Middle East issue and especially Israel came up, the new harmony would soon be shattered," an EU diplomat in Tehran said.

Tehran would neither acknowledge Israel as a sovereign state, stop its support for anti-Israel groups nor agree to any peace initiative.

"The Zionist regime (Israel) is on the verge of collapse, and even its most loyal allies could no longer prevent this," Ahmadinejad has said, a point he makes frequently.

There would be another chance for the two states to improve ties.

Presidential elections are scheduled for later this year in Iran. Political turbulence and economic crisis have fuelled popular discontent, and change after the June 12 elections remains possible.

"A Khatami as president could move a lot, also in relations with the US," said reformist politician and former deputy interior minister Mostafa Tajzadeh.

Ex-Minister: Khatami more popular than Mousavi

Former interior minister Abdolvahed Mousavi Lari stated 1that if Khatami under any reason does not run in the elections the reformists will focus on Mousavi as their favored candidate.

Asked whether Khatami or Mousavi enjoy more support among the people and political groups, the former minister said based on the opinion polls Khatami is the most favored candidate among potential reformist and conservative candidates.

 
He said according to opinion polls more than 50 percent of the respondents had said that they vote for Khatami while other potential candidates have received just 25 to 26 percent of the polls.

On reasons why Khatami is more popular, he said Mousavi has been away from the country’s political scene over the last twenty years and that is the reason that the young generations do not know him.

Mohammad Atrianfar, a noted journalist and senior member of the Servants of Construction Party, also stated that the young generation, and the society in general, are not very familiar with Mousavi and his records as prime minister.
Meanwhile Hasan Rasouli, a member of the Baran Foundation, said that Mousavi is trying to convince Khatami to run for the presidential post.

Khatami, Opposition and Authoritarianism

Roozonline Reports - Kayhan newspaper, run by an appointed editor in chief, dedicated its main front page ‎headline and picture on its Sunday, December 14, 2008 issue to the “Oil, Development ‎and Democracy” conference, organized by colleagues of the former Iranian president, ‎and to Seyyed Mohammad Khatami’s meeting with Ebrahim Yazdi, head of an ‎opposition group called the Iran Liberation Front. As the 2009 presidential race ‎approaches, it appears that Khatami’s possible participation in the race has unnerved the ‎autocrats in Iran.‎

The publication of this outsized photograph of Khatami and Yazdi on its front page is not ‎a small event in Iran, especially because Kayhan added biased and pointed captions to the ‎photograph, revealing the motivation of its publishers: "A large number of so-called ‎reformers ranging from Khatami, those who support him in next year’s presidential race, ‎and even well known figures who oppose the Islamic Republic such as Ebrahim Yazdi - ‎who today serves as the main contact between America and certain domestic factions ‎aligned with the West - participated in the conference." ‎

Kayhan warns that the goal of those who speak in academic seminars for the need to ‎break the government's monopoly of oil revenues in these terms: "Westerners hope to ‎lock Iran's economy by 'bankrupting the government' and eventually putting the key for ‎unlocking this lock in the pockets of reformists as their desired foot soldiers in Iran in the ‎hopes that people will abandon the Principalists and are forced to revert back to the ‎reformists" (Kayhan, issue 19255, December 14, 2008). ‎

The newspaper under Hossein Shariatmadari's management does not provide a response ‎to serious questions and criticism raised in the "Oil, Development and Democracy" ‎conference regarding how tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues were spent during the ‎past three-and-a-half years. Indeed, the important factor for the political-security team ‎managing Kayhan is to open a new "case" and devise a new "project" to create serious ‎doubts in the mind of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's most formidable competitor in the ‎upcoming election. ‎

Iranian autocrats are so fearful and intolerant that they cannot tolerate even a meeting ‎between Khatami and a critical citizen. Kayhan reports, "Ebrahim Yazdi today serves as ‎the main contact between America and certain domestic factions aligned with the West." ‎It appears that from the perspective of these autocrats the former president of Iran does ‎not have the right to carry a casual conversation with a critical Iranian citizen either. ‎

The tyrants know well that Khatami's return to power would create more opportunities ‎for critics and supporters alike to voice their opinions. Khatami has repeatedly ‎emphasized that he wants Iran for all Iranians and even loudly says, "Long live my ‎opponent!"‎

These autocrats desire absolute power, and from their perspective no one must be allowed ‎to criticize their ideology and policies and programs. Obviously, those who endorse such ‎a viewpoint will not shy away from taking any measure to deny the reformists a share of ‎power. From the point of view of the autocrats, the opponents of the regime in Iran must ‎be thankful for the fact that they remain "alive," even though this opposition has a history ‎of tens of years of struggle for a free, developed and independent Iran.‎

These tyrants who have positioned themselves in seats of authority will not easily ‎relinquish even a tiny ounce of the "power, wealth, prestige and information" present in ‎the ideological and rentier state. As a result, those who pursue democratization must be ‎prepared to accept more pressures, threats and restrictions than before.‎

From this perspective, the 2009 election with Khatami's candidacy will become another ‎turning point in Iran's contemporary political history.

Mohammad Khatami: Either Mirhossein Mousavi or I will be the reformist candidate for upcoming presidential election

(Reuters) - Mohammad Khatami, who won presidential elections in 1997 and 2001 with landslides, gave the strongest signal yet on Monday that he was considering running in this year's race for the Iranian presidency.

Khatami worked for political and social change during his eight years in office but hardliners in charge of major levers of power in the Islamic Republic blocked many of his reforms, costing Khatami some key supporters, such as students.

If he chooses to run, Khatami can expect to face Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who came to power in 2005 pledging a return to revolutionary principles and promising to spread Iran's oil wealth more fairly.

Ahmadinejad has faced mounting criticism over inflation, which climbed to almost 30 percent last year, and also opposition in particular from reformists for his fiery foreign policy speeches that they say have further isolated Iran.

Khatami said that either he or Mirhossein Mousavi, another pro-reform politician, would become a candidate for the presidency, the ISNA news agency quoted him as saying at a gathering in Elam province.

"I would like to tell all reformists and those not included in the reformist front but who would want a change in the present conditions ... with God's help, between me and engineer Mirhossein Mousavi one will become a candidate soon," he said.

Mousavi was prime minister after the revolution, holding the post between 1981 and 1989. The post was scrapped after he left office.

Reformists once held the presidency, parliament and major municipal councils, but now control no major posts. Even when they did, other major levers of power were beyond their control and slammed the brakes on their reforming efforts.

Iran has multiple checks and balances, with ultimate power lying with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Although Ahmadinejad has faced mounting criticism for his economic management, hurt further by falling oil prices, analysts say much will depend on whether he retains the support of Khamenei, who has in recent months publicly praised him.

Ahmadinejad may also be able to call on the support of Iranians in poorer and particularly rural areas where the impact of his spending has been most obvious, analysts add.

Khatami has said anyone running for president would have to make sure he had the necessary powers to implement policies. Analysts say he would likely leave any final announcement till the last minute before the June 12 poll.

Although many of his reforms were blocked, such as a law to ease press restrictions, the media did become more vibrant during Khatami's term, even if many newspapers were banned, and some social strictures did loosen.

Ties with the West also improved during Khatami's term but they have deteriorated since Ahmadinejad came to power.

Some of Khatami's main supporters became disillusioned with him by the end of his presidency, saying he should have done more to push through change. Students, who were once at the vanguard of the reform movement, have now fallen largely silent.

Khatami is reformists’ preferred choice: ex-MP

Tehran Times Reports:

Former lawmaker Yadollah Eslami has said that currently reformists prefer Mohammad Katami to Mirhosein Mousavi as presidential candidate.

Mirhosein Mousavi was prime minister during the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War. Despite efforts by Khatami and Mahdi Karroubi, the former prime minister refused candidacy in the 2005 presidential election.

Eslami told the Mehr News Agency the fact that the reformist camp has focused its efforts on persuading Khatami to run for the presidential post is not a complicated issue, because there is great public tendency toward him who was president from 1997 to 2005 for two consecutive terms.

Eslami, the secretary general of the former lawmakers association, argued that the reformists’ policy is based on the “realities of the society”.

However, he said the support for Khatami does not mean that Mousavi is already out of the presidential race.

Eslami said the former lawmakers association intends to agree on a single candidate in the run up to the June presidential election.

Some reformists have predicted that if Mousavi accepts candidacy some conservative groups would back him.

Eslami also rejected a view that some conservatives may turn to Mousavi as their favored candidate. “Let’s be realistic, the principlists (conservatives) may finally reach a consensus, but Mirhosein Mousavi will definitely not be the consensus candidate in the conservative (principlist) camp.

The Best Scenario is Khatami vs. Ahmadinejad‎

RoozOnline spoke with Azar Mansuri, the political deputy of the reformist Participation ‎Front party regarding the forthcoming presidential election in Iran and whether former ‎President Mohammad Khatami would run in the race. He believes that “The plan is that ‎Ahmadinejad will remain as the next President.” Here are the details.‎

Rooz (R): Ms Mansuri, at its eleventh Congress, Iran Participation Front (IPF) decided to ‎support Khatami in the next presidential race, also determining to start the work of the ‎elections headquarters. When exactly will these offices start their work?‎
Azar Mansuri (AM): Legally we are not yet allowed to create a campaign office, until the ‎legal obstacles are removed.‎

R: But this is your decision in your own congress.‎
AM: What is meant by offices is the activation of the work of the various parts of the ‎party in relation to the elections which is the work of the permanent election office. Right ‎now the office is preparing the grounds to be able to operate across the country. We have ‎already approved different strategies for the different scenarios with the goal of winning ‎the election.‎

R: What in your view are the conditions for holding the elections?‎
AM: With the resources that they have at their disposal, government agencies have ‎completed plans so that nobody other than Ahmadinejad will be the next president. A ‎good example is the state radio and television network. The goal of this network during ‎the Khatami administration was to weaken the reform government of the time while ‎today it justifies the weaknesses and failures of Mr. Ahmadinejad and the administration. ‎The Ministry of Interior which is in charge of implementing the elections is led by ‎officials who cannot be trusted. After removing Mr. Pourmohammadi, the President first ‎proposed Mr. Kardan to replace him, who was rejected even by members of the ‎conservative eight Majlis. The Mahsuli is introduced to the Majlis for approval who wins ‎through fraud. If the administration was not aiming to rig the elections, these recent ‎events would not have taken place the Ministry of Interior. So our strategy is to first take ‎control of such events which is why we support Khatami. I think without him, it would be ‎very difficult to deal with the government’s violations.‎

R: Do you have backup plans if Khatami decides not to run?‎
AM: If new conditions emerge and Mr. Khatami decides not to participate, we have ‎envisioned contingencies which we shall implement at the right time, while our hope is ‎that we will not have to.‎

R: So you are thinking of a coalition as well?‎
AM: Clearly our most important strategy is to unite with others to form a coalition ‎because any participation in the elections without a coalition would not be productive for ‎reformists.‎

R: And what if conditions for reformers to participate do not emerge?‎
AM: If things go that way there will be no hope for reformers. I think the best scenario ‎fro reformers is that we get into a bi-polar race between Khatami and Ahmadinejad.‎

Iran’s Supreme Leader Backs Ahmadinejad’s Re-election

EURASIA INSIGHT: For the first time since the early days of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the country’s supreme spiritual leader has plunged into partisan politics. The development, some experts speculate, could be an indicator that the time for compromise with the international community on Iran’s nuclear program has passed.

In recent months, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has hinted repeatedly that he backs President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s neo-conservative administration. The clearest expression of support came in mid-December, when, with Iran gearing up for a presidential election in June, Ayatollah Khamenei offered what many observers interpreted as an endorsement of Ahmadinejad’s re-election bid.

Ahmadinejad’s popularity, even among various conservative factions, has plunged along with the global price of oil and natural gas. Many Iranians blame the administration for the country’s economic mess, in particular spiraling inflation and festering unemployment. Yet in his December 13 speech, made ostensibly to commemorate National Student Day, Ayatollah Khamenei hailed the embattled president as a "revolutionary" leader who is "effective, active and courageous."

The supreme leader went on to urge Iranians to cast their presidential ballots for the candidate who showed the "courage and self-confidence" to guard the "principles that constitute the regime’s identity." Ayatollah Khamenei then cautioned the population against placing "weak and impotent individuals" in positions of power.

"If one day, among the country’s officials we find weak and impotent officials like Shah Sultan Hussein [an Iranian king under whose rule the Afghans sacked the country’s capital], the era of this country and the Islamic Republic is over," Ayatollah Khamenei said.

"Weak and impotent officials turn courageous nations into weak nations," the ayatollah added.

Ayatollah Khamenei did not mention specific names, but observers in Iran widely assumed his criticism was aimed at the former reformist president Mohammad Khatami. Rumors have circulated in Tehran recently that Khatami is thinking about making another run for the presidency in June..

"[Ayatollah Khamenei’s December 13] speech promises to be an important statement in the historical context," said an Iranian academic who spoke to EurasiaNet on condition of anonymity. "For one thing, at no point, going back at least 28 years, has the country’s Supreme Leader broken with his official status as an impartial arbiter of factional differences to endorse the election of one person or one faction."

Judging from Ayatollah Khamenei’s comments, he evidently worries that the Islamic Republic may have to grapple with a major crisis in 2009, or perhaps soon thereafter.

"Nothing could explain this unprecedented development except extraordinary contingencies that the Supreme Leader must be aware of," said the Iranian political scientist. "Since domestically, the country has never been more stable, the leading cause of the Leader’s decision is probably external in nature."

The academic refused to speculate more on the matter, but other experts pointed to Iran’s standoff with the international community on the nuclear issue as the most likely cause of Ayatollah Khamenei’s politically partisan statements.

A few observers in Tehran advance a different theory: the arch-conservative Supreme Leader worries about the slight possibility that his theological and ideological opponents, operating through Khatami, could pull off an upset victory in the June election.

While still highly likely, especially with Ayatollah Khamenei’s strong support, Ahmadinejad’s re-election is not a sure thing.

The chief fear of the Supreme Leader and his closest associates evidently is that a return of reformists to power would mean the ruin of the Islamic Republic. Underscoring this fear, Ayatollah Khamenei’s representative to the Revolutionary Guards Corps, Ayatollah Ali Sa’idi, praised Ahmadinejad’s administration as being motivated by "piety and steadfastness." The reformists, on the other hand, were incapable of standing up "against arrogant world powers," Sa’idi added.

Perhaps the biggest threat to Ahmadinejad’s reelection chances does not emanate from the reformist camp, but is found in the lack of support for his administration among conservative factions -- outside of the president’s own Neo-Con clique.

In the weeks prior to the Supreme Leader’s December 13 speech, there was a crescendo of opposition to Ahmadinejad and his government voiced by a variety of right-wing factions, ranging from conservative traditionalists to former allies of the president in the security establishment. Much of the growing opposition stems from the Ahmadinejad administration’s mismanagement of the economy. But there is also widespread resentment relating to his faction’s efforts to monopolize power, specifically the perquisites and privileges thereof.

Rival factions had been pushing the idea of a grand conservative coalition taking over from Ahmadinejad’s administration. Ayatollah Khamenei’s December 13 speech, however, derailed this notion, at least for the time being. It’s too soon to say, however, whether the Supreme Leader’s maneuvering can permanently end the conservatives’ revolt against Ahmadinejad.

Will Mr. Khatami run? A few thoughts...

Iranian.com reports:

Will Mr. Khatami run?, seems to be the question on many people's lips. Various activists, prominent reformist politicians and sympathizers have broadcast their entreaties, pleading with the former president to return to the political fold. As a matter of fact an organization by the name of Moj-e Sevom has been established with the more or less explicit aim of lobbying Mr. Khatami to announce his candidacy. The prospects do not look good as far as I can tell, but there is still hope for those of us who count themselves between the Principalists (Osulgarayan) and those biding their time until the “next” revolution, that will never come - though many Iranians were disillusioned with the pace of reform in the course of his second term, nostalgia quickly set in and a yearning for the days of Khatami is alive and well in Tehran today (particularly amongst students), and I of course say Tehran quite intentionally.

Khatami has thus far resisted, and previously insisted that Iranian politics is far too inclined toward "hero-worship" and the "personality cult", and therefore astutely perceived the problem of linking his fate to that of the broader movement - he has been vehemently criticized for not appointing a clear successor prior to his vacating the presidency - but then unlike Mr. Hashemi, Mr. Khatami isn't and has never conceived of himself as the Iranian kingmaker - a role that Mr. Hashemi will almost certainly play again, if he's still around, when Ayatollah Khamenei passes the metaphorical torch to the next Faqih (it should be remembered that Mr. Hashemi in 2007 was elected to the much coveted post of chairman of the Assembly of Experts, Majles-e-Khobregan) - the body that will appoint the next Supreme Leader, and which is put to the public vote every six years, albeit exclusively comprised of foqaha, Islamic legal experts.

As Mr. Khatami recognized, a reform movement bound to his personal charisma and charm rises with his victories, but is also bound to slip into oblivion upon his exit. Without a conventional party system (as opposed to a myriad of factions), or institutionalized power, such as that held by the conservatives in the form of the Faqih or judiciary (Khatami's appointments to the interior ministry, at one point a bastion of the reformists, have been rapidly overturned by Ahmadinejad's government, and of course even while in power it’s commonly opined, to some extent rightly so, that he was thwarted by murky figures lurking in the shadows at every turn – the problem of parallel legislation) - the two are of course tightly-knit often to the point of their differences being indiscernible - though Khamenei is also capable of distancing himself from the political fray, despite his often overt support of the Principalist factions.

The arrival of Ahmadinejad on the scene put paid to the idea that "civil society" had triumphed and that an ineluctable period of glasnost had been set in motion, compelling the mercantile-bourgeois republic to transform itself from the inside. The Fukuyamean-post-ideological triumphalism quickly ran out of steam (somewhere after Mr. Khatami’s first term), and as a result pundits have been quick to dismiss the reform movement in favor of coining a new dynamic i.e. the Principalists split between a fundamentalist-populist faction and rightwing-pragmatic faction, embodied to various extents in the personalities of Ahmadinejad, Qalibaf, Mohsen Rezaei and Larijani.

These factions of course exist, but the commentaries have underestimated the impact of Khatami's legacy simply because he wasn't their much awaited and frankly quite stupidly anticipated, Iranian Gorbachev. There was never going to be a "velvet revolution" and the misguided clinging to any such phantom merely distracts from the prospect of fomenting more meaningful changes within Iranian society at the grassroots level. Such a prospect has been dismissed by virtually all serious analysts – ex-CIA man, Robert Baer in his recent book The Devil We Know: Dealing with the New Iranian Superpower repeatedly despairs of the delusions homesick exiles have spoon-fed to Washington officialdom, delusions, which in his view have only gone to ensure that Iran shores up its position as the Persian Gulf's regional hegemon, while the United States looks on impotent and dejected in the aftermath of the Iraq and Afghanistan quagmires.

For those of us who have eschewed such Chelabi-esque flights of fancy the roles of "civic agency" and "organic intellectuals" remain indispensable for the contestation and delegitimation of tired and ossified dogmas and manifest in the women's movement, student movement and labor movement. This triumvirate of Iranian civil society is in a sense the concrete perpetuation of Khatami's intellectual legacy (though I am by no means arguing that it owes its presence and voice to that legacy), which furnished Iranian society with a new lexicon, which stressed the rule of law, civil society, the republican element of the constitution and human rights, echoed and pushed for by a briefly unmuzzled press.

Though a huge swathe of Iranian intellectuals had long attempted to courageously propagate such a vision, it was only Mr. Khatami who was able to set such a precedent in a way that only an individual within the system could. In a certain respect, intellectuals have it easy (though they do have an important role to play); no responsibility, little accountability, no need to compromise or barter one's ideals away under pain of compulsion i.e. the process of drafting, ratifying and implementing policy. Now is certainly not the time to count Mr. Khatami out, it’s still early yet, and Mehdi Karrubi is the only one thus far to confirm his candidacy in the presidential elections due to take place in June of this year. Either way he will continue to play a significant role on the domestic and international stages, if not in the corridors of power

Farshchian is a spiritual source of Iranian art: Khatami

Tehran Times reports: Master of Persian painting Mahmud Farshchian met former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami on Saturday.

Khatami called Farshchian one of the great spiritual sources of the art, history, and culture of Iran and praised his art as well as his character, manners, and morality, the Persian service of ISNA reported on Sunday.

“Anybody who likes Iran is interested in Farshchian and his unique art,” said Khatami, who is currently the chairman of the Center for Dialogue Among Civilizations and Cultures.

He continued, “Throughout history, our country Iran has been the origin of great bebefit to humankind and to Islam through its development of the Islamic civilization.

“Iran enjoys a high position in the region from the geo-strategic and geo-political point of view, and it must learn to make the best use of its potentials and opportunities to help meet its national needs,” he explained.

Khatami also praised the fifth book of the master published by Guya Publications and stated, “The Iranian spirit is accompanied with Islamic delicacy in this book. Farshchian is like a lofty peak from which the spirit of this great land of Iran can be observed.”

Khatami later proposed that Farshchian publish a collection of his works in collaboration with the Center for Dialogue between Civilizations and Cultures, an idea that was warmly received by master Farshchian.

Farshchian also praised Khatami’s efforts in different cultural and social areas and talked about his memories of the time Khatami traveled to New York and held talks with Iranians residing in the United States.

“As a result of Khatami’s journeys to New York and his speeches there, all the Iranians felt proud of their nationality and their Iranian heritage,” he added.

He also remarked that the Farshchian Museum in the Sadabad Cultural and Historical Complex was established during the Khatami’s presidency, and today it is one of the most visited museums in the country.

The fifth book by Farshchian was unveiled at a commemoration ceremony in his honor held at Tehran’s Vahdat Hall in December.

Farshchian is currently working on a painting tableau of “Abolfazl Abbas (AS)” on the occasion of the arrival of the month of Muharram.

He has also created two other works entitled “Evening of Ashura” and “Ali-Asghar” with the central theme of Ashura.

Iran using Gaza op to push out reformists

Persian reformist newspaper accuses Ahmadinejad government of using Palestinian problem 'as weapon' against reformist bodies after shutting down newspaper accused of reporting misinformation about Palestinian fighters in Gaza

Dudi Cohen / Israel News

"The Iranian government headed by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is using the excuse of 'defending the Palestinians' as a weapon to act against civil bodies," Roozonline, a Persian reformist newspaper said.

According to the report, one of the actions taking by the Iranian government recently was the banning of the country's leading reformist newspaper Kargozaran, which is linked to one of Ahmadinejad's most prominent political rivals, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

The government accused Kargozaran of reporting misinformation about Palestinian fighters in Gaza.

In addition, on Thursday, dozens of students belonging to the Basij movement, which is subordinate to the Revolutionary Guards, protested outside of human rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi's home and accused her of sympathizing with Israel.

Two days prior to the demonstration Ebadi had published a statement condemning the killing of Palestinian civilians. The demonstrators sprayed graffiti on the walls of her house insinuating that Ebadi was a spy for the United States.

In the past Ebadi has expressed support of Ahmadinejad's most threatening political rival, former president and reformist Mohammad Khatami.

Khatami has not yet officially announced his candidacy, but has indicated in recent months that it was a possibility.

So far, the only politician to join the race for Iran's upcoming presidential elections is former Chairman of the Parliament Mehdi Karroubi, who is also a reformist.

“The crackdowns are all part of the efforts to prevent Mr. Khatami from winning the elections,” said Farzaneh Roostai, the foreign editor of the daily newspaper Etemad.

“All the groups which support Khatami in one way or another are faced with increasing pressure now in order to force them to back down,” she added. “They are increasing the price for their political activities.”

Although Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme religious leader, has repeatedly backed Ahmadinejad in public speeches, the president may not receive full support from the conservative camp.

Since Majlis elections last year, criticism from within the conservative camp against the president has risen partly in light of his failed economic policies that have lead to increased inflation and unemployment in the country.

According to Roozonline, Ahmadinejad's next step is to target student unions, and mainly those that stand out for their political activism in the reformist camp, in an attempt to push them to the sidelines ahead of presidential elections on June 12.